What Similarities or Differences Do You See in How the Arts Reflect Tribal and Communal Values?

Art

People around the world notice all kinds of ways to express themselves creatively—decorating their bodies, painting, etching, telling stories, singing, dancing, and playing music. All societies have some form of art. Art is not just a mode for individuals to express themselves—it is also a cultural product. This module explores how and why art may vary, or be similar, across cultures.

Performers in a sing-sing gather in Wabag, Enga Province of Papua New Guinea. These gatherings typically establish multiple different tribes and are e'er bursting with various art forms, from decorative body adornments, to the trip the light fantastic toe, song, and musical drum lines.

When archaeologists uncovered fragments of scarlet ochre from a complex of caves at Superlative Betoken, South Africa, they recognized immediately that the pieces which were most intense in hue had been preferentially selected for and footing against another surface by the early humans who dwelt there. This pattern of utilise would have been almost familiar to anyone who has watched a toddler browse an array of crayons and grind the most brilliant colors against the nearest available surface with obvious joy. The ochre at Acme Bespeak, probable used for body decoration, is the primeval known modification of the natural world for aesthetic purposes by Man sapiens, 165,000 years ago (McBrearty and Stringer 2007). The earliest cave painting, plant in Sulawesi, Indonesia, dates dorsum almost 44,000 years (Ferreira 2019). The creative person depicted a hunt, not by ordinary humans, but past imaginary figures who looked part human and part animal. Were these animal spirit helpers? Was ritual involved? Answers to these questions are speculative. All we really know is that the artist was expressing more than reality.

Does art predate those findings? Nearly certainly. People sing, dance, and tell stories, but prior to recording instruments, none of it would be in any format that could final through time. Moreover, much of fine art that was once in physical class such as wood carvings, sand paintings, bark painting, and decorated material, would non by and large final for hundreds of years. We are a species that uses and seems to understand symbols effortlessly, an power that has immune united states to communicate with each other across generational and interpersonal boundaries, accumulate deep wells of cultural knowledge, and suit to almost every surroundings on Globe. Art, even at its most representational, seems to have played a role in this process past extracting deep symbolic meaning from extraordinary combinations of sensory experiences (Layton 1991).

There is a groovy diversity of forms through which art tin can manifest itself cross-culturally. While some have argued that artistic expression is too variable across cultures to find clear patterns, there are cross-cultural researchers who have searched for and found patterns in the creative outputs of large samples of societies.

Fine art as an Expression of Guild

The different ways in which a social club organizes itself have far-reaching impacts in other cultural areas. Variation in degree of stratification or type of subsistence activity, for case, appears to be related to certain characteristics of that lodge's artistic products.

Whiting and Child (1953) accept suggested a machinery to explain these relationships, termed "personality integration of civilisation," in which the noesis of a people is heavily influenced by the physical and social settings of the lodge in which they develop. The psychological effects of this milieu may manifest as conflicts and desires and then deep-seated and subtle that they get personality characteristics indiscernible to the individual. Even so, by carefully examining cantankerous-cultural variation in expressive institutions such as visual art, music, song, trip the light fantastic toe, and stories, researchers tin sometimes observe the secondary impacts of these latent traits. Many of the findings regarding art relate generally to societal complexity, specially to the degree of social stratification or the type of subsistence practiced in society. More than socially circuitous societies not simply tend to accept higher degrees of stratification, such as classes or castes, but likewise more political hierarchy, larger settlements, college population density, and also more dependence on food production, particularly intensive agriculture.

Trends Based on Degree of Societal Complexity:

Visual Art

• Art produced by egalitarian societies will contain more repetition of similar elements than the fine art of stratified societies (Fischer 1961).

  Why? Egalitarian societies lack significant status differences between members and value sameness; stratified societies value hierarchy and differentiation. Assuming that artists, particularly successful artists, express what people in their society know or are comfortable with, information technology is expected that the art in egalitarian societies would more probable have a repetition of similar elements analogous to a group of people having similar statuses. In contrast, in stratified societies, differentiation is expected as office of life, and so their art is more than likely to contain a variety of singled-out elements.

• Art from egalitarian societies volition tend to accept more symmetrical limerick than fine art from stratified societies (Fischer 1961).

  Why? If yous imagine an art object bisected past an imaginary centrality fatigued downwardly the middle, symmetry would hateful the same pattern elements on both sides of the axis. Thus, symmetry is analogous to repetition and should be more compatible with egalitarianism. Asymmetrical compositions, like the hierarchical societies that tend to produce them, take considerable differentiation and imbalances of power which may exist reflected in disproportion of pattern.

This Ainu robe dating from the late Edo (1615-1868)-early Meiji (1868-1912) periods in Japanese history, is an example of symmetrical design typical of egalitarian societies. The Ainu were primarily hunter-gatherers in this early on menstruation.

• Hierarchical societies visually enclose pattern elements more than egalitarian ones (Fischer 1961).

  Why? Unequal status and rank is earth-shaking in stratified societies, and separation of different strata is frequently enforced through boundaries of all kinds. Concrete partitions such as walls and moats serve to enforce more than subtle psychological divisions of law and etiquette, which are and then expressed in the idealized grade of enclosing lines in a frame in visual fine art. Artistic elements in egalitarian societies still, tend to exist separated but by expanses of space, if at all.

• Highly stratified societies tend to create art that is crowded and has niggling empty space (Fischer 1961).

  Why? Fischer (1961) suggests that since egalitarian communities are smaller, closer-knit, and more independent than stratified ones, they are more fearful of strangers. This fear is embodied by the shrinking of pattern elements into isolated groups. Stratified societies, on the other hand, depend on incorporation of strangers into a bureaucracy, a goal which may be represented by shut ordering of unlike parts.

  However, this is merely one potential estimation of the human relationship. Perhaps egalitarian societies, which tend to be nomadic foragers, are but more likely to experience open expanses of land, sea, and sky than high-density, stratified urban dwellers, and to describe such spaces appropriately.

Music / Song

• Songs in more than complex societies, including more than stratified societies, are more text heavy (having many different words as opposed to repeating words or syllables) than in less complex societies (Lomax 1968, 130).

  Why? Lomax, like Fischer, thinks that song elements reflect social club, although Lomax places more stress on the way people piece of work. Lomax (1968, 125) suggests that because complex societies have more explicit instruction they will accept text heavy songs. Repeated syllables with no meaning (such as la la, la la la la) are more common in less complex societies where little instruction is needed. Annotation that Lomax's finding parallels Fischer's finding that fine art in complex societies has less repetition of elements.

• Less complex societies are more likely to have broad melodic intervals (Lomax 1968, 136).

  Why? Lomax suggests that wide melodic intervals reverberate a more than wide-ranging use of both social and environmental space where access to resources is more than open up to all members of the customs. This finding parallels Fischer's that egalitarian societies accept more empty infinite in art.

Khaira Arby, a well-known vocaliser-song writer for ethnic communities of the Sahara Desert, performs at the Festival au Desert. Music is a particularly pop course of universal artistic expression.

• Differentiation of singing parts increases with societal complexity. In the least complex societies, anybody sings the same role. In rank societies, where chiefs take prestige just petty power, a vocal leader may brainstorm and everyone joins in. In economically socially stratified societies, in that location is clearer differentiation in song, where choruses have secondary roles. Finally, in the most stratified societies there are explicit soloists (Lomax 1968, 133, 156–59).

  Why? The differentiation of parts in song is cogitating of the broader differentiation in society. Solo singing is mayhap symbolic of the importance of some individuals standing out from others, particularly in strong leadership roles (Lomax 1968, 133, 158).

• Societies that depend on food collection subsistence strategies (gathering, hunting, and fishing) mostly produce music in rhythmic unison following a steady, i-beat meter as opposed to more than circuitous rhythms. (Lomax 1968, 138–39). Similarly, nutrient collectors are less probable to have counterpoint (multiple lines sung simultaneously) or heterophony (variants of the same melody).

• Societies in which singers appear to sing "in i voice" are more likely in the middle ranges of social complexity (Lomax 1968, 155).

  Why? Consistent with Lomax's broader theory that vocal reflects work, Lomax suggests that societies in the mid-range of complexity ofttimes have of import commonage work groups that are stable and long-lasting. These groups are typically more than work groups—they are ofttimes large corporate kin groups such as lineages and clans. Singing with one voice reflects the cohesiveness of this social network (Lomax 1968, 174–xc).

Music and trip the light fantastic toe from more stratified societies tend to feature explicit soloists and solo acts. Ballet, for example, typically includes a strict hierarchy of roles, as pictured above with a soloist spotlighted in the foreground while the background dancers are visible behind her.

Dance

• Changes in direction of move during dances are characterized by simpler "reversal" transitions among extractive or food collecting societies, and more complex "curve" and "loop" transitions amongst food producing (agricultural and pastoral) ones (Lomax 1968, 242).

  Why? Reversals, including back-and-forth, up-and-down, and side-to-side movements, all involve the retracing of the aforementioned steps. This "mirroring" of motion backward and forward in time seems to repeat the symmetry that Fischer (1961) found amidst the visual arts of egalitarian societies. Although Lomax suggests that symmetry in trip the light fantastic toe reflects the movement required for subsistence practices (rubbing, chopping, excavation) rather than the egalitarianism of extractive cultures, the principle of art as a medium for expression of personality attributes conditioned by other societal characteristics is still at play.

• More circuitous food producing societies are more likely to activate more than parts of the body in dance (for example, including fingers, toes, the oral cavity, eyes, and eyebrows) compared with food collectors and incipient agriculturalists. Similarly, more than complex producers utilize more "shape" movements woven into more circuitous patterns (Lomax, Bartenieff, and Paulay 1968, 243). These associations parallel the findings from fine art and music that food producing societies have more design elements and more singing parts.

Art Reflects Kid-Rearing Practices

Fine art is an expressive activity. Since childhood is a fourth dimension in which we experience some of our deepest emotions, desires, and conflicts, it is not surprising that some researchers have looked for associations betwixt customary childhood experiences and the ways art is expressed.

The babe is carried tightly against her back in a fabric sling. Close-contact carrying methods such as the one depicted above, are more probable to predict regular musical rhythms within a society.

• Regular musical rhythms are more likely to be found in societies in which infants are carried in close contact with their parents' bodies (Ayres 1973).

  Why? Babies in the womb hear the regular rhythm of the female parent'south heartbeat and may continue to hear it if they are carried on the mother or another caretaker in close body contact. Even the regular bouncing motion that an babe feels when carried in a sling or swaddle may reinforce a positive association between regular rhythm and pleasure. Afterwards in life such rhythms would recall that sense of deep satisfaction, making regular rhythm in music more than likely to be expressed in societies with close contact equally compared to societies whose infants spend most of their fourth dimension in a cradle or hammock.

• Societies which produce one-fourth dimension bodily stress in infants are more likely to create music with greater range and forceful accent in singing (Ayres 1968).

  Why? In laboratory controlled experiments, some surprising results occur after a baby rat experiences a i-time physical stress (such as ear piercing, an injection of saline). Not only practise these rats abound bigger, but they also exhibit an increase in bold, exploratory behavior. The human relationship between one-time concrete stress (piercing, scarification, circumcision, or molding of the limbs) in homo infants and greater tiptop has been establish cross-culturally (Landauer and Whiting 1964). Ayres, trying to measure boldness and exploratoriness, thought that apply of forceful accents (for boldness) and the range betwixt the highest and lowest notes (for exploratoriness) might exist ways of seeing if the same connection held for humans. Indeed, the human relationship between bodily stress in human infants (such as piercing, scarification, or molding of the limbs) and vocal range and force with which notes are sung may demonstrate the same machinery at work—sharp and wide-ranging vocals may embody a learned willingness to face and familiarize oneself with hazard.

• College socialization pressure for compliance predicts cohesive singing; high pressure level for assertiveness predicts harsh or raspy singing (Lomax 1968, 192).

  Why? Raspy singing is irregular and does not lead to a good song blend with others. Training for assertiveness is expected to atomic number 82 to individual differences; while compliance training should lead to plumbing equipment in with others and tamping downward differences in song (Ayres as cited in Lomax 1968, 192–three).

• Societies with a high degree of female premarital sexual restrictiveness have more singing with narrow, pinched voices, and more than nasal tonality (Lomax 1968, 195)

  Why? Lomax (1968, 196) suggests that both nasality and pinched voices reflect sexual tension, as opposed to singing with wide, relaxed voices.

Universals in Music

Although it is asserted that some form of visual art, music, song, and dance are all universal (Brown 1991; Lomax 1968, 3 for song; Mehr et al. 2019), information technology is only recently that the premise has been systematically tested for music and vocal. Music is found in all of the societies in eHRAF Globe Cultures, an ethnographic database with over 315 (now over 330) societies (Mehr et al. 2019). And in a representative subsample of 60 cultures (the Probability Sample Files), songs were reported in all cases. Besides the universality of music are there other universals?

Currently highlighted is St. Lucia, which is amongst the 12 cultures which have audio recordings available from only the Bottom Antilles lone in The Global Jukebox. The Global Jukebox is an online sound file database which aids in contextualizing the universality of music. Meet the 'Additional Resources' department beneath for more information on the Global Jukebox.

• Around the globe, music and song are regularly associated with lullabies, healing, dance, and expressing beloved (Mehr et al. 2019). Without understanding the words, listeners from around the world are able to correctly place curt snippets of songs from 86 mostly small-scale societies as trip the light fantastic songs, healing songs, or lullabies (Mehr et al. 2018, 2019). Listeners had the most problem identifying beloved songs.

• Beyond cultures, three dimensions capture the means song varies: formality, arousal, and religiosity. Moreover, different types of songs fall on unlike combinations of dimensions. For instance, dance songs cluster on high formality, loftier arousal, and low religiosity. In contrast, healing songs differ in having loftier religiosity. Lullabies are depression on formality and low on arousal. Interestingly, the distributions on these dimensions are quite similar across societies (Mehr et al. 2019).

• Some features of vocal, such every bit discrete pitches, regular rhythms, repetitive patterns, brusque phrases, and a "breast" voice are universal or nearly universal (Savage et al. 2015).

• Beyond cultures, grouping singing is strongly related to regular rhythms, repeated phrases, percussion instruments, and dancing (Savage et al. 2015)

  Why? An important role of music may be to institute grouping cohesion and coordination. The features related to group singing may help many individuals sing together successfully (Cruel et al. 2015).

• Inside-population musical variability is greater than between-population variability. (Mehr et al. 2019; Rzeszutek, Fell, and Dark-brown 2012).

Folktales

Many of the cultural patterns we have discussed are fairly direct representations of the guild itself—for example, egalitarianism appears to exist reflected in symmetry, uncomplicated repeated elements, and footling differentiation in parts of song. But the obstacles different societies confront in order to survive and flourish also produce different types of psychological stress. In some cases, artistic creation provides a means for people to express their unresolved conflicts. Storytelling, past weaving the fictional and the familiar together, may be an especially potent medium for imposing meaning on the complex circumstances of everyday life.

A Havasupai elder (pictured on the left) tells stories to ii other men every bit they assemble around a campfire, ca. 1899. The telling of stories and folktales is an important part of passing forth aspects of culture.

• The folktales of societies which cope with a high frequency of natural hazards (such as floods and droughts) contain more acts of capricious (for no apparent reason) aggression (Cohen 1990). Only interestingly, the aforementioned written report as well finds no human relationship between natural hazard frequency and the amount of overall assailment in folktales.

  Why? Cohen (1990) reports that actual hazards are hardly always mentioned in the folktales of societies that have them ofttimes. This fact suggests that unpredictable hazards are too frightening to be explicitly mentioned; instead, trauma from natural hazards appears to be transformed and disguised past personifying chaos as capricious agents. Freudian theory suggests that this blazon of transformation can assistance a person attain some degree of mastery over terrifying events.

• Societies in which children are punished for showing aggression tend to have folktales which contain higher intensity assailment (Wright 1970).

  Why? Although parents who punish children for being aggressive are presumably trying to minimize aggression in their children, theory suggests that punishment creates anxiety most aggressive impulses, and further, that these impulses are projected into fantasy. The more feet about aggression, the more intense aggression will be in the fantasy.

• The more than astringent penalty for aggression, the more likely folktale aggression will be directed toward and originate from characters who are strangers to the hero (Wright 1970).

  Why? The hero of a story is presumably the grapheme a hearer is well-nigh probable to identify with. Punishment creates feet nigh expressing aggression, so even in folktales those severely punished for aggression are more likely to fantasize that aggression will exist exhibited by strangers and directed towards strangers.

• Folktales with themes indicating impulsive power tend to take higher male person consumption of booze (Wanner 1972). (Folktales are used to assess what people in a society are typically thinking near.)

  Why? The theory behind this relationship comes into focus when nosotros consider some other finding from a previous paper (McClelland et al. 1972); alcohol is consumed much more oftentimes in unstructured societies compared to structured ones. McClelland et al. (1966) suggested that, lacking institutions that promote male solidarity, men seek alternative fulfillment of their need for power in consumption of booze. And, folktales provide males with a kind of "magical potency."

• Folktales often have very deep signatures and prove stiff relationship to shared linguistic phylogenies. More than specifically, in the Indo-European language family, societies with more closely related languages are more likely to share similar tales and linguistic similarity; linguistic communication similarity was a stronger predictor than geographical proximity (Da Silva and Tehrani 2016). Even so, a written report of folktales amongst eighteen hunter-gatherer groups spread widely over the Arctic plant that folktale similarity was predicted more past geographic proximity than linguistic similarity (Ross and Atkinson 2016).

  Why the difference? Perhaps because they are then small-scale in population, many Arctic groups have considerable interaction with other groups which may be adaptive for their harsh surround.

Adaptationist Explanations

People all over the globe enjoy some form of art either as an active participant or an observer. Only art also conveys or evokes a broad range of emotions including sadness, fear, and acrimony. An important question is whether art is merely an expression of human experience, as many of the cantankerous-cultural findings suggest, or might it serve an independent adaptive function?

Allow's first consider how art might affect individuals. Can fine art assistance individuals lead better and healthier lives? Art has been viewed equally therapeutic by many throughout history. Plato spoke of music every bit calming the soul, Aristotle believed that drama could produce catharsis, and Freud thought that fine art was an outlet that enabled the artist and audience to discharge unconscious wishes and achieve some relief from tension (De Petrillo and Winner 2005). More recently, practitioners accept employed music, visual arts, dance, and expressive writing as part of explicit healing programs. Exercise they work? Reviews of the evidence suggest that for the nearly part they practise. For example, music has been shown to subtract anxiety, assistance achieve control over cancer hurting, and lower stress for eye patients; similar results occur with fine art, motion-based therapies, and expressive writing (Stuckey and Nobel 2010). Most of this research has been conducted in complex societies, but the frequent use of music, dance, and song in healing rituals around the world suggests that such art forms probably do enhance healing.

What about at the group level? Do the arts enhance health and wellness and ultimately reproductive success? There are hints in the piece of work of Lomax on music that suggest that social solidarity, coordination, and cooperation, may all be enhanced by cohesive singing and dancing (1968, 174, 203). In the realm of storytelling, Scalise Sugiyama (2011) suggests that foraging societies use storytelling to transmit subsistence and ecological knowledge. Religious ritual participation is often cited every bit a ways to help humans experience that they have some degree of control over sorry events. Such rituals could be chosen "arts participation" inasmuch every bit they ofttimes involve chanting, music, singing, and sometimes dance (Dissanayake 2008; see too Alcorta and Sosis 2006). Not only may these rituals reduce anxiety and exist transformative experiences for individuals, they may also help the social group participating in ritual to be more cooperative and unified in purpose.

What We Don't Know

• Anecdotal show suggests that art is modified in pregnant ways when it begins to be sold to tourists. How and to what degree do processes of culture contact and colonization impact art production?

• Does performance of a group in a joint artistic try increase social bonding of the group? Or is it particular kinds of art forms such as grouping singing?

• Only a few studies have taken the cantankerous-cultural findings and looked to see if changes over time are consistent with the cross-cultural principles. For example, Dressler and Robbins (1975) found support for Fischer's findings every bit social stratification changed in aboriginal Greece.

• Are there cross-cultural differences in the degree to which a culture allows an creative person to limited themselves versus expressing traditional patterns? If then, what accounts for those differences?

• What accounts for variation in concepts of beauty and the importance of fine art cross-culturally?

• Enquiry on music has suggested that males are generally the singers (Vicious et al. 2015). What accounts for differences in musical performance or in other arts by gender?

• How might our definitions of artistic labor be expanded to consider artistic activities (cooking, oratory, "crafts") not sanctioned equally art in the Western catechism?

• Are settings of art production (all strata of society vs. specialists) and consumption (communal vs. individual experiences) affected by other societal variables such equally subsistence activity or social hierarchy?

• For anthropologically-described societies, what evidence is there to indicate that artistic performances enhance well-being?

Additional Resource

In addition to the host of enquiry articles located within the Explaining Human Culture (EHC) database, in that location are additional online resource available for continued exploration of the topic of cross-cultural music trends. Ii important resources The Global Jukebox, which yous can find at https://theglobaljukebox.org/, besides as various music samples located inside eHRAF World Cultures, https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/.

The Global Jukebox contains audio clips of everything from songs and dances to conversations, from cultures across the globe. There are a variety of interfaces through which to feel the jukebox, one of which is a map you can see reproduced in a higher place in the "Universals in Music" section of the module.

Originally conceived past Alan Lomax, one of the researchers who features prominently in the findings listed throughout the module above, the Global Jukebox's mission is to provide an open drove of audio files which themselves have the power to illuminate aspects of cultures that otherwise may exist inaccessible.

Featured above is an prototype from a Pawnee song entitled 'Buffalo Dance' which tin can be found on page 31 of Frances Densmore's ethnography 'Pawnee Music.'

Similarly, while eHRAF World Civilization'southward music files practice not currently characteristic audio clips, they also provide a deeper look into the artistic elements of a order's audio. For example, you tin can find images of original canvass music from diverse cultures inside eHRAF's collection of over 330 societies.

Exercises Using eHRAF World Cultures

Explore some texts and exercise some comparisons using the eHRAF World Cultures database. These exercises can be washed individually or equally part of classroom assignments. Run into the Pedagogy eHRAF Practice on Fine art for suggestions.

Citation

This summary should exist cited as:

Ember, Carol R., Abbe McCarter, and Jack Dunnington. 2019. "Art" in C. R. Ember, ed. Explaining Human Civilisation.Human Relations Area Files http://hraf.yale.edu/ehc/summaries/fine art, accessed [give date]

Photo Credits

"Paintings in Bichagara Cave" by D-Stanley is licensed nether CC by 2.0. Photo of performers in a sing-sing by Jialiang Gao, CC Past-SA 3.0. Ainu robe public domain from the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Khaira Arby singing at a festival in Mali, photo past Anteros01 CC past 3.0. Susan Bello from the Ballet Teresa Carreño, photo past Wilfredo R. Rodrigue CC by one.0. "A young African woman conveying child in a baby sling" photo by Peter Klashorst, CC by 2.0. Photo of Havasupai fireside stories by George Wharton James, public domain through the California Historical Society Collection 1860-1960. The Global Jukebox map and sheet music is a screenshot from the website The Global Jukebox.

Glossary

Counterpoint

Multiple lines, with independent rhythm, sung simultaneously.

Heterophony

Variants of the same tune. For case, multiple voices singing the same melody.

References

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Source: https://hraf.yale.edu/ehc/summaries/art

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